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I console myself my saying โChor ka dhan chandal khaye, paapi munh dekhta rah jaye!โ
Just venting.
No one cares about the dead firm. SAN needs to step down and give the reigns to someone more competent.
The RW ecosystem is pointing fingers at the Left ecosystem for its silence.
โฎโฎโฎ โฎโฎโฎ redux?
You could also target solicitor firms or boutique real estate firms. Slog for 2 years and any tier 1 will pick you because the knowledge you build base up can not be compared to starting real estate from a tier 1 firm. All the best!
It is my understanding that whatever aspirations most of us may have from our Republic, diverse as they may well be, can be made possible only by our sense of regard for the paramount status of the individual life. No claim to economic development or social justice can, or should, be allowed to diminish the value of the individual from being an autonomous self to a mere sub-set of a group. Why do I make this non-negotiable? Because there is a very good probability that whatever claims are usually made when we are told to sacrifice our individuality on the altar of either development or justice, that more often than not, they turn out not to be true. But in the process of their execution and our acquiescence to them, we end up undermining the very essence of our personal liberty for promises that are unlikely to be realised.
You and I agree, I think, on the challenge of how to design policies that reduce inequality with least harm to anyone affected by them. But think of it this way. If after all these years of quotas the so-called marginalised have not been able to build the capacity to apply those very substantive and comprehensive reforms in domains of health and education that I previously mentioned, then what does it tell us about the promises that were made to us when our leaders said that quotas would end backwardness in our society? I take this historical failure of quotas as a further evidence of both their normative inadequacy (pretending to combat discrimination while actually used for solidifying communalism-as-dominance at the expense of the individual-as-equal) as well as their practical incapacity (where, by their nature, quotas are implemented at the end-stage of a given process so that one ends up confusing an artificial number of candidates qualifying for quota-mandated positions as a sign of progress when, in fact, that number is largely fictitious and of doubtful value in assessing genuine social transformation).
For reasons that should disturb each and every citizen of the Republic, the revolution of the mind is yet to occur, a revolution that would allow men, women, and everyone to free themselves from ascriptive destinies. Our response to this absent revolution can only be thus: to keep striving, to keep working, to fight the scourge of caste and every other kind of stratification with absolute integrity. An inhumane system that ranks human life is unworthy of either explicit respect or implicit toleration. And this is where the structures of our democracy, imperfect as they may be, are supposed to prepare and assist us. They provide us the means to organise, agitate, and revolt. None of this is to pretend that such a revolutionary endeavour is easy. It is not. But it is possible. It is necessary. And it is just.
I maintain that quotas have allowed us all to grow morally complacent. We have become wishful in thinking that quotas alone will achieve social justice. For reasons that I have already cited above, this is a grave error on our part. Hence my maximalist stand: abjure the quota, annihilate the caste. And whate stands in our way, be it religion or culture, whatever prevents us from destroying this social and moral plague, we must be total in our willingness to rid ourselves of it as well.
In other words, what I am calling for are not half-measures. The time for them is long over. Now is the hour to be absolute and to have the courage to define our ideals that enable every sentient being to live truly and beautifully, and for whose preservation we are prepared to devote all of ourselves.
You may disagree with this as a worthy aim or that there are more effective ways of doing so, but as stated in the other response above, if you take away quotas, most likely they will be replaced with very little to nothing, or empty promises.
Your fourth point though remains the most relevant but also unclear: sure, there are probably many better mechanisms than quotas, such as investment in schooling, etc. But do you think if you abolish quotas there will be any guarantee that they will be replaced with anything commensurate, and won't just stay abolished.
If you want to abolish quotas at any time in future, those investments and reforms in education must to happen now, because they certainly have not for generations. And then maybe, in 10 or 20 years, it would be more realistic to begin to talk about abolishing quotas (though it probably still wouldn't be nearly enough yet nor a society of equal opportunities for all, and there will be little guarantees to those communities that such investments would even continue once quota perks have been lost).
Right now, it would just be taking away something from the already disadvantaged, and, realistically, replacing it with very little to nothing. Or do you see a practical way forward?
This is like cutting the hands of a person in order to make sure they never steal. It is insane and it does not even achieve that someone will not steal because you impaired them. That is what your quotas do. You simply judge an individual as guilty of discrimination on account of who they were born to and punish them by telling them that they must pay for what their forefathers allegedly did. This is not democracy. This is medievalism. And it is what is called casteism. And quotas are intensely casteist by nature. Quotas have no place in a society that is truly committed to egalitarianism.
You want to โcompensateโ those who hail from less-than-fortunate backgrounds? You invest in their childhood, their health and education. You make sure they go to schools that are well equipped in both infrastructure and pedagogy. You make sure that they have access to public goods like sports and playgrounds. What you do not do is promise them a seat by virtue of their birth without preparing them to do justice to themselves once they are on that seat. Because no matter how many seats you give away, it will not make any difference if that seat is already broken, literally and metaphorically, by the time your intended beneficiary arrives to sit on it.
Reply to your second question: it is a pity that you have framed the principle of individual responsibility as a straw man under whose guise so-called โoppressorsโ continue to thrive. But your point remains under-developed. It is one thing to recognise inequality as a moral concern and say that one must do their utmost to reduce it. It is another thing to utilise that moral concern to encourage the politics of quotas that, by their own logic, are intensely communal and denigrating of any free-thinking individual. In one go, to satisfy your moral righteousness, you have happily sacrificed the dignity of the individual by reducing their life to a function of their genetic heritage. Besides, you know only too well that the picture of โmore privileged castesโ that you paint here is not so black-and-white either. There is a reason why Indian judiciary had to come up with the innovation of โcreamy layerโ within the allegedly backward communities precisely because the reality of who is privileged on-the-ground does not align as neatly to specific forms of caste identities as you would like to claim.
Reply to your third questions: this is nothing if not emotionally exploitative language. Once again, you are using your moral concern against inequality and discrimination to justify measures that are easily extreme to the point that they extinguish the liberal conception of democracy and civil rights as well as hardly doing anything to actually ameliorate your moral concerns. I contend that quotas are not just a moral abomination but also a practical failure in policy making. The quotas you defend are worse than โimperfectโ because although their supporters justify them on grounds of combating discrimination, the truth is that the real cause of supporting quotas has always been the communal logic of domination and submission. In a stratified society like India, there is nothing revolutionary about relying on quotas because it is simply the easiest thing to do and it enables, under the false guise of oppressor-oppressed binary, the politics of which group can dominate another group. Do you not already see what this politics has done to whatever little hopes we had when we inaugurated our Republic? Do you not see that your quotas have only enabled elites from different groups to thrive without contributing to the kind of holistic and welfare development for which I am more than happy to contribute my taxes to?
Reply to your fourth question: the fact of the matter is that quotas were, and remain, the low-hanging fruit of our discourse. They are easier to advocate for not because they are truly revolutionary and emancipatory but precisely because they are not. You want real change that is comprehensive and sustainable? You start with schools. You start with teachers. You start with investment and innovation in pedagogy. You start by acknowledging the fact that there is really no substitute for a childhood spent in a well-maintained classroom and in presence of teachers who are responsible for moral and intellectual development of the young student. After all these decades, we have not done this precisely because it is difficult, because it is expensive, not just in terms of resources needed but also in terms of moral imagination that we simply do not possess. Quotas exist because we have abdicated our moral imagination. But quotas will not achieve what we all pretend to achieve through them. You know it. And so do I. But here I am, inviting you to recognise this farce of quotas whose only promise is to give someone a seat somehow without bothering to prepare them to be worthy of that seat in the first place. What do you think happens when entire generations grow up learning that excellence and integrity are lesser principles than oneโs membership in a community and into which they were born by accident? What kind of a democracy and discourse does that lead to? Think, for your own sake and for others. Think.
Even in the sciences and medicine, most jobs will become clerical once AI takes over.
Let's be very clear - no one chooses where/in which community he/she (not they) is born!
I don't even know how many students from the 2027 batch have secured placements/PPOs so far. Iโve also heard that the RCC did not even start mailing firms for Day Zero until the end of July. If that is true, that seems deeply concerning for this batch and the upcoming batches.
Is the problem the administration? RCC? Alumni who aren't doing enough to bring recruiters back? Faculty? Students? Or has RML simply lost its standing with recruiters and the broader NLU ecosystem?
For a university that is supposed to be one of the established NLUs, why is nobody really talking about RML anymore? What exactly went wrong and does anyone have a realistic picture of the current placement situation?
This is coming from someone who has done both btw.
Who would want to go up against the might of the Nalsar Queer Committee?
Also get your facts right regarding attendance policy. In my three years here every sem there is a drama regarding attendance and they debar quite a lot of people despite having non functional pathetic erp portal or sometimes no portal to check your attendance at all. Further we only get a total of only 30 days of internship exemption in 4th and 5th year combined. 0 attendance policy and 24x7 internships is utterly misleading. Clown please your facts right before you comment.
Have heard partners yell at people in hallways and the attrition rate in general is very high.
Briefly spoke to one of the associates during a smoke break, and he also was of the opinion that the culture has got bad lately. He couldnโt talk much obv because theyโre not supposed to talk to interns because theyโre afraid that confidential data might get leaked if they talk to us..
In addition to classroom training, students have the opportunity to attend mock courts, engage in legal research, and participate in internship programs. This type of exposure allows students to know their professional responsibilities better. Besides, this is the way to figure out what areas of law they like most and which of them will fit their future career best. You should find the perfect combination of theoretical and practical learning. You can visit V.M.N Institute for this purpose.
it had pioneered the UK-India summer school model, however, owing to internal politicking, the person who led the first two editions of the summer school was sidelined during the regime change and as such the entire edifice collapsed, the KCL team as also disappointed and is looking for new partners in India
this shows even a fantatsic product which has high reputation and does very well may not survive when the leadership shifts, when will the upper echeleon learn to let the good products stay
Fake rankings hai yeh....
Any thoughts on this?
hostel on new lands is completely up in the air, the DPR is yet to be tabled before the EC, so at least 3-4 years from now
the other ongoing constructions to be completed in various stages next year
Bar and Bench also reported that he advised on a 500 Crore QIP for some construction company. I know seasoned transaction lawyers who have worked years but havenโt originated and led transactions that are 500 Cr and above.
Contacts arenโt everything. I am a 2nd gen lawyer tooโฆthey can get you in the circles but if you mess up you will fall down harder.