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This is the problem when people insist on pure merit-based admissions. The same thing will happen if you abolish reservations in India. There are structural and cultural problems that prevent blacks in the US and SC/STs in India from attaining high scores in entrance examinations. You simply cannot have exam scores as the criteria.
https://chicagomaroon.com/53303/news/uchicago-enrolled-more-male-fewer-black-undergraduates-last-year/
This is like cutting the hands of a person in order to make sure they never steal. It is insane and it does not even achieve that someone will not steal because you impaired them. That is what your quotas do. You simply judge an individual as guilty of discrimination on account of who they were born to and punish them by telling them that they must pay for what their forefathers allegedly did. This is not democracy. This is medievalism. And it is what is called casteism. And quotas are intensely casteist by nature. Quotas have no place in a society that is truly committed to egalitarianism.
You want to βcompensateβ those who hail from less-than-fortunate backgrounds? You invest in their childhood, their health and education. You make sure they go to schools that are well equipped in both infrastructure and pedagogy. You make sure that they have access to public goods like sports and playgrounds. What you do not do is promise them a seat by virtue of their birth without preparing them to do justice to themselves once they are on that seat. Because no matter how many seats you give away, it will not make any difference if that seat is already broken, literally and metaphorically, by the time your intended beneficiary arrives to sit on it.
You may disagree with this as a worthy aim or that there are more effective ways of doing so, but as stated in the other response above, if you take away quotas, most likely they will be replaced with very little to nothing, or empty promises.
Let's be very clear - no one chooses where/in which community he/she (not they) is born!
Reply to your second question: it is a pity that you have framed the principle of individual responsibility as a straw man under whose guise so-called βoppressorsβ continue to thrive. But your point remains under-developed. It is one thing to recognise inequality as a moral concern and say that one must do their utmost to reduce it. It is another thing to utilise that moral concern to encourage the politics of quotas that, by their own logic, are intensely communal and denigrating of any free-thinking individual. In one go, to satisfy your moral righteousness, you have happily sacrificed the dignity of the individual by reducing their life to a function of their genetic heritage. Besides, you know only too well that the picture of βmore privileged castesβ that you paint here is not so black-and-white either. There is a reason why Indian judiciary had to come up with the innovation of βcreamy layerβ within the allegedly backward communities precisely because the reality of who is privileged on-the-ground does not align as neatly to specific forms of caste identities as you would like to claim.
Reply to your third questions: this is nothing if not emotionally exploitative language. Once again, you are using your moral concern against inequality and discrimination to justify measures that are easily extreme to the point that they extinguish the liberal conception of democracy and civil rights as well as hardly doing anything to actually ameliorate your moral concerns. I contend that quotas are not just a moral abomination but also a practical failure in policy making. The quotas you defend are worse than βimperfectβ because although their supporters justify them on grounds of combating discrimination, the truth is that the real cause of supporting quotas has always been the communal logic of domination and submission. In a stratified society like India, there is nothing revolutionary about relying on quotas because it is simply the easiest thing to do and it enables, under the false guise of oppressor-oppressed binary, the politics of which group can dominate another group. Do you not already see what this politics has done to whatever little hopes we had when we inaugurated our Republic? Do you not see that your quotas have only enabled elites from different groups to thrive without contributing to the kind of holistic and welfare development for which I am more than happy to contribute my taxes to?
Reply to your fourth question: the fact of the matter is that quotas were, and remain, the low-hanging fruit of our discourse. They are easier to advocate for not because they are truly revolutionary and emancipatory but precisely because they are not. You want real change that is comprehensive and sustainable? You start with schools. You start with teachers. You start with investment and innovation in pedagogy. You start by acknowledging the fact that there is really no substitute for a childhood spent in a well-maintained classroom and in presence of teachers who are responsible for moral and intellectual development of the young student. After all these decades, we have not done this precisely because it is difficult, because it is expensive, not just in terms of resources needed but also in terms of moral imagination that we simply do not possess. Quotas exist because we have abdicated our moral imagination. But quotas will not achieve what we all pretend to achieve through them. You know it. And so do I. But here I am, inviting you to recognise this farce of quotas whose only promise is to give someone a seat somehow without bothering to prepare them to be worthy of that seat in the first place. What do you think happens when entire generations grow up learning that excellence and integrity are lesser principles than oneβs membership in a community and into which they were born by accident? What kind of a democracy and discourse does that lead to? Think, for your own sake and for others. Think.
Your fourth point though remains the most relevant but also unclear: sure, there are probably many better mechanisms than quotas, such as investment in schooling, etc. But do you think if you abolish quotas there will be any guarantee that they will be replaced with anything commensurate, and won't just stay abolished.
If you want to abolish quotas at any time in future, those investments and reforms in education must to happen now, because they certainly have not for generations. And then maybe, in 10 or 20 years, it would be more realistic to begin to talk about abolishing quotas (though it probably still wouldn't be nearly enough yet nor a society of equal opportunities for all, and there will be little guarantees to those communities that such investments would even continue once quota perks have been lost).
Right now, it would just be taking away something from the already disadvantaged, and, realistically, replacing it with very little to nothing. Or do you see a practical way forward?
It is my understanding that whatever aspirations most of us may have from our Republic, diverse as they may well be, can be made possible only by our sense of regard for the paramount status of the individual life. No claim to economic development or social justice can, or should, be allowed to diminish the value of the individual from being an autonomous self to a mere sub-set of a group. Why do I make this non-negotiable? Because there is a very good probability that whatever claims are usually made when we are told to sacrifice our individuality on the altar of either development or justice, that more often than not, they turn out not to be true. But in the process of their execution and our acquiescence to them, we end up undermining the very essence of our personal liberty for promises that are unlikely to be realised.
You and I agree, I think, on the challenge of how to design policies that reduce inequality with least harm to anyone affected by them. But think of it this way. If after all these years of quotas the so-called marginalised have not been able to build the capacity to apply those very substantive and comprehensive reforms in domains of health and education that I previously mentioned, then what does it tell us about the promises that were made to us when our leaders said that quotas would end backwardness in our society? I take this historical failure of quotas as a further evidence of both their normative inadequacy (pretending to combat discrimination while actually used for solidifying communalism-as-dominance at the expense of the individual-as-equal) as well as their practical incapacity (where, by their nature, quotas are implemented at the end-stage of a given process so that one ends up confusing an artificial number of candidates qualifying for quota-mandated positions as a sign of progress when, in fact, that number is largely fictitious and of doubtful value in assessing genuine social transformation).
For reasons that should disturb each and every citizen of the Republic, the revolution of the mind is yet to occur, a revolution that would allow men, women, and everyone to free themselves from ascriptive destinies. Our response to this absent revolution can only be thus: to keep striving, to keep working, to fight the scourge of caste and every other kind of stratification with absolute integrity. An inhumane system that ranks human life is unworthy of either explicit respect or implicit toleration. And this is where the structures of our democracy, imperfect as they may be, are supposed to prepare and assist us. They provide us the means to organise, agitate, and revolt. None of this is to pretend that such a revolutionary endeavour is easy. It is not. But it is possible. It is necessary. And it is just.
I maintain that quotas have allowed us all to grow morally complacent. We have become wishful in thinking that quotas alone will achieve social justice. For reasons that I have already cited above, this is a grave error on our part. Hence my maximalist stand: abjure the quota, annihilate the caste. And whate stands in our way, be it religion or culture, whatever prevents us from destroying this social and moral plague, we must be total in our willingness to rid ourselves of it as well.
In other words, what I am calling for are not half-measures. The time for them is long over. Now is the hour to be absolute and to have the courage to define our ideals that enable every sentient being to live truly and beautifully, and for whose preservation we are prepared to devote all of ourselves.
Why does AIR 21000 get to go to NLS and not AIR 120 ?
I get the argument for reservation but I think its time now to modify it.
Even in the sciences and medicine, most jobs will become clerical once AI takes over.
Bottom line: if you are a general category person who is not EWS, you shouldnβt really be in a government institute with heavily subsidized fees. You should head to a private institute charging market rates, or go abroad. On this point, I am willing to support 0% reservation in private institutes.
Such a system will be fair to all. And itβs not that private institutes place you at a disadvantage. Jindal gets just as many law firm offers as a good NLU. And, of course, studying abroad gives you tons of opportunities.
Scenario 1: All non-GCs unite and vote in a UPA government with a super majority. They bring back reservation and increase it to 90%, including private sector.
Scenario 2: Complete civil unrest. Rioting, violence and the breakup of the country.
Do you want this?
If this nation is incapable of treating all its citizens equally and fairly, then this nation does not deserve to exist. As Burke said, β[i]n order for us to love our country, our country ought to be lovely.β
1. Make the 3 premier NLUs (NLSIU, NALSAR and NLUD) super-meritocratic and open only to CLAt toppers. Zero reservation.
2. Have 100% reservation in the remaining NLUs.
3. No reservation in Jindal or Symbiosis.