We want LI to be one of the friendliest places on the internet, where lawyers and law students help each other with their career related queries and occasionally discuss other stuff that might affect their lives too. In other words:
1. Be kind, respectful and helpful to each other.
2. Be bona fide, truthful, genuine and curious.
3. Assume the best intention of others.
Therefore, in using the site, you must agree to do your best to uphold these community guidelines.
Note that what you find here is written and moderated by anonymous people on the internet.
Therefore everything you read here is very likely unverified, rumour, speculation and/or downright false.
In continuing to read anything here, you must therefore agree not to take anything you read here as factual and that you will exercise due caution, diligence and common sense before acting on any information you may come across here.
You also agree to report any inaccurate or malicious comments with the buttons. Moderators take action within 24 hours, as required and appropriate under law.
Our full terms and conditions apply too.
Do you solemnly agree to all of the above?
Now look at NLSIU where recently one of their teachers who is also doing their PhD tries to normalise and justify the real fact of discrimination as practised by the Indian state on the basis of caste as some kind of perverse justice through his so-called “moral reading” << https://www.nls.ac.in/news-events/faculty-seminar-presentations-by-sidharth-chauhan-and-rahul-hemrajani/ >>. Consider his own words here: “This dissertation argues that these special provisions [relating to electoral reservation on the basis of caste] for enabling the political representation of historically marginalised communities should not be narrowly viewed as methods for redistributing material resources . . . With respect to explanations for democratic authority, the key idea is that electoral quotas incrementally contribute to ‘recognitional legitimacy’, a concept that transcends the immediate pursuit of political integration and the pragmatic accommodation of group differences.”
Please see through the abstraction of language and concepts here to observe the real argument: that India is not a nation of individual citizens with inalienable rights but a community of communities engaged in the process of bartering interests. Everything is relative. No inherent values exist that Indians share with each other. They are all mutual enemies of each other and tied in delicate balance. For the author, in the name of “recognitional legitimacy”, it is perfectly reasonable to discriminate against people by calling them and their forefathers oppressors! And, of course, what is “pragmatic accomodation” if not a happy declaration that not only is India not a nation but that the only way to govern it is by managing groups and communities in their respective ghetto-like existence.
And then we wonder why our institutions do not stand for our fundamental rights. How can they when they are already committed to an ideological project that is anti-individual and sees Indians as not a people but a bunch of groups who can only interact with other in a zero-sum game.
This is my sincere case. I am happy to be corrected.
https://www.thetimes.com/comment/columnists/article/edi-cancel-culture-bad-boards-killing-universities-gd9rzr0rb